LSEBRINK INTERKULTURELLE KOMMUNIKATION PDF

Handbook of Intercultural Communication HAL 7 ≥ Handbooks of Applied Linguistics Lsebrink, Hans-Jrgen Interkulturelle Kommunikation. /24 Network Information. On the other, it also facilitated communication with those backhome, since it Geschichte und Gesellschaft 11 (): ;Hans-Jrgen Lsebrink, Die . Ge- schlechtsspezifische Gewalt und die kulturelle Konstruktion des.

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Shedden, Dawn Lynn Publisher: University of Florida Place of Publication: University of Florida Degree Disciplines: Kroen, Sheryl T Committee Members: Typical historical constructions like chronology, geography, and faith are helpful in categorizing historical moments, but they are rarely broad enough to properly place any single individual or to make sense of the decisions that they make.

Lives are lived at the intersection of kommuniiation, competing identities that are regularly rewritten by time. My dissertation embraces this complexity by examining three families living on the border of France and Germany during the French Revolution and how they reconstruct religious, national, legal, and chronological boundary lines to suit their own needs. The French Revolution was a critical juncture because it opened up new opportunities and ways of thinking that many embraced.

Yet even as it attempted to erase older dividing lines, it established new categories that were malleable and unreliable. Each case examined in this work highlights this duality of accessibility and restriction, of stability and interkultjrelle.

As journalists, educators, lawyers, and religious leaders, the people I investigate actively pursued goals that would directly influence their local communities, their emerging nations, and the world beyond.

Crossing Boundary Lines

Each chapter deals with an issue with which these gentlemen had to grapple: Though their answers were quite different, they were all boundary crossers who kommunimation that they had the ability to rewrite history and did so with astonishing variety. In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.

Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page. This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under komunikation law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.

Record Information Source Institution: This item is only available as the following downloads: Lsebrik of all, I would like to thank my advisor, Sheryl Kroen, whose infi ni te patience and wisdom has kept me balanced and whose wonderful advi ce helped shape this project and keep it on track. All dissertations are also dependent on the wonderful assistance of countless librarians who help locate obscure sources and welcome distant scholars to their institutions.

I thank the librarians at Eckerd College, George A. Finally, I would like to thank the many family members and friends who took the time to support me and read my long tale o f obscure historical actors. Their comments and our discussions allowed me to envision my work outside of academia and just how broad historical imagination can be. Last, but certainly not least, are my three sons Will, PAGE 5 5 Robert and Bryan and my husband Da vid, who daily inspire me to explore the world deeply, leave some of myself behind, and laugh with sheer joy.

History Typical historical constructions like chronology, geography, and faith are helpful in categorizing historical moments, but they are interkulrurelle broad enough to properly place any single individual or to make sense of th e decisions that they make.

The French Revolution was a critical juncture because it opened up new opportunities and ways of thinking that many embra ced. Yet even as it attempted to erase older dividing lines, it established new categories that were malleable and unreliable Each case examined in this work highlights this duality of accessibility and restriction, of stability and uncertainty.

As jour nalists, educators, lawyers, and religious leaders, the people I investigate actively pursued goals that would directly influence their local communities, their emerging nations, and the world beyond. The routes they selected were dramatic, like the case nd his brothers PAGE 8 8 Heinrich, the father of Karl Marx and kommunkkation integration only to find professional doors to advancement barred by prejudice.

Some cases, like Cathol ic Romantic leader Joseph von Grres and his brother in reinvented themselves politically and religiously, often switching directions multiple op Josef von Hommer, the radical nature of debates left his carefully constructed compromises open to criticism from all sides.

Yet, in many ways there is no biography nor history, for that matter 1 Existing in that nebulous sphere between the social sciences and the humanities, historians do often back away from all perso nal pronouncements out of fear that showing their own investment in their subjects will expose their projects their subjects, using them as a scrim to project their ow 2 Are prejudices and the ways in which their historical frameworks are shaped by lsebbrink own histories?

Such a challenge is one that should not be ignored. The last several decades of scholarship have become increasingly self aware, interklturelle new trends in historical biography suggest that we could do even more.

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Though my own work does not take the form of a traditional biography, I found myself asking what exactly my own approach to the discipline was and the ways in which my paradigm impacted the direction that my project took. I still struggle to interkukturelle sense of which parts of my own history created my outlook, but I have uncovered some 1 American Historical Reviewno. PAGE 10 10 unique t hreads of thought that weave themselves into my work. The first is a strong sense that individual stories do matter and that we can discover a great deal about man only relevant when connected into the wider framework of politics, culture, religion, economics, and geography that inform every decision and provide markers for a Marx, nephew and son of three of the subjects of my dissertation observed, 3 By placing stream one can best observe change and continuity, what space each of us is given to act out our own stories, and just how different each path can be.

While some may continue to argue that just a few individual examples can never be broad enough to prove general societal trends, I claim the opposite. Societal movements can be made relevant only on the individual level because that is where trends and movements begin and where they are continually shaped in a myriad of confusing pathways.

The next crucial element of my own work is an awareness that telling a single story is not enough. I do not claim to be writing conventional biography here because that would mean attempting to cover a complete life in all of lsebrinj facets. International Publishers, Harvard University Press, ; J. Anthony Lukas, Common Ground: At the time that hostilities broke out, Josef von Hommer was a Coblenz priest whose elite upbringing pretty m uch guaranteed him a prestigious career.

Though he did indeed rewrite his own religious story in order to answer new questions about the role of faith in a secular world, in newly formed nations, and across arbitrary boundary lines.

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Joseph von Grres, also from Coblenz, was an idealistic, youthful Jacobin supporter who was radically disillusioned by komunikation political realities of his age.

He reinvented himself multiple times bo th politically and religiously as he moved from being a Francophile to a fervent German nationalist to a Catholic Romantic leader across the span of his life.

His brother in law Franz von Lassaulx also kommunikatioon his political career printing ardent radical tr Marx brothers, Samuel, Cerf and Heinrich, took drastically different paths than they mig Sanhedrin in Paris during which the Jews promised their national fidelity in return for new religious and occupational freedoms. His brothers Heinrich and Cerf grabbed onto these promises only to find the interkultugelle to societal advancement blocked by continued prejudice, especially after the Rhineland reverted to Prussian control.

My work was somewhat York: Knopf, ; Richard Price, Baltimore, Md.: Cambridge University Press, PAGE 12 12 more unstructured, especially in the beginning but I did have several key issues I began with an event, the French Revolution, and an interest in interkulturele it engendered a fundamental rewriting of society and culture while also maintaining links to the past I then decided upon a region of analysis, a border region that would allow me to see across cultures.

I interkultutelle the Coblenz Trier area because political control shifted there duri ng this period, but it was less well known than somewhere like Alsace Lorraine.

Religion was also a critical concern from fairly early on in the process, as I wanted to explore how faith and revolution fit together. I selected individuals to examine some what more randomly, based strictly on when and where they had lived and how much material might be easily available I assembled a seemingly unconnected assortment of personalities: Such an unconventional approach to gathering subjects is not without its pitfalls.

For instance, in an early meeting with a professor to dis cuss my ideas she commented that to examine Jews and Christians simultaneously would be like studying apples and oranges. I found that I loved the analogy apples and oranges are indeed quite worthy of comparison The meeting also helped me to realize that the demarcations between faiths acted like borders within and surrounding faith and changed shape often in this period There were other equally fascinating boundary lines.

It was for this reason that I was studying the French Revolution it was both a bridge and a dividing line between ages. interkultrelle

In their quest for knowledge, historians carefully categorize intedkulturelle erything from lsebrknk party to social class to religion to time period to gender to race. Of course, such groupings are critical to the historical enterprise as they allow us to make sense of the past.

Indeed, I use such classifications here to divide my own work lssebrink arenas to explore: Paris, geographic boundaries, law codes and law schools, religious conversion and in terfaith marriage. The topics allow responses rather than completely laying out each individual story as an unconnected tale.

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However, we take risks with our own hubris. As Edward Said one of the founders of postcolonialism, has suggested, Knowled ge means rising above immediacy, beyond self, into the foreign and distant. The object of such knowledge is inherently vulnerable to transforms itself in a way that civilization s frequently do, nevertheless is fundamentally, even ontologically stable. To have such knowledge of such a thing is to dominate it, to have authority over it.

We also can too easily allow our subjects no freedom of movement in an effort to confine them within our classification systems.

Thus another indispensable interkulturellee of the puzzle of how these individual lives fit together is the notion of borders. Usually when one thinks of borders it is in terms of physical boundaries between nations, between residences, between towns, etc.

Vintage Press, PAGE 14 14 Anthropologists Hastings Donnan and Thomas Wilson provide a helpful definition of how borders extend and the importance of people living in those regions: The region of Trier and Coblenz fits well within this definition of okmmunikation border zone. During the French Revolution and ,sebrink aftermath, the two cities moved from being the seat of a small, but important, archbishopric within the Holy Roman Empire, to being part of France, to being the outer reaches of a growing Prussian state.

The historic Trier archbishopric was also part of a much wider Rhineland that contained considerable diversity and whose borders were equally ill defined. The term Rhineland will be used here lsebrimk to focus on the sm all Trier Coblenz area and the conne ction between the cities via the Moselle River.

Other Rhenish political entities like interkupturelle Confederation of the Rhine were also important in this period but had quite different political and cultural connections to the French Revolution and its aftermath.

Anthropological Perspectives on Frontiers New Y ork: University Press of America,8. PAGE 15 15 Area residents had to adjust, and readjust, themselves to multiple situations in which proving their loyalty to each new regime was critical. When the French came Josef von Hommer reluctantly fled across the Rhine River border because he feared what the y might do to a priest with other, less worldly and national allegiances However, he had equal trouble later with the Prussians who questioned his patriotism as he lay dying Franz von Lassaulx struggled intellectually with where the Rhineland stood as a nation it was neither French nor German, yet it was too weak not to be bullied by the others into taking sides.

Joseph von Grres wanted to be German but did not find Prussian or French definitions of the nation particularly appealing. Nations were, and are, molded like clay so it can be extremely helpful to look at regions like the Rhineland as multinational or even transnational. Defining historiography merely in terms of a single nation often limits our ability to see just how contentious nation building is and how broad the definition of nation should be.

Yet the dangers of delineating all historical projects in terms of which nation they discuss extends beyond geographical mapping.

Crossing Boundary Lines

The idea of borders in various forms permeates all historical e nterprises. In addition to questioning national classifications, kommunikatjon at least trying to work in their messiest nether regions, I also probe several other well worn dividing lines. The first marker is religious. In the twenty first century though not in the eighteentho ne might easily scoff at the notion that the experiences of Catholics are markedly different than those of Protestants. But what if such claims of lsebrinl are extended to Christians and Jews, or even Christians and Muslims?

PAGE 16 16 To make such a bold assertion is not to deny in any way the lsebriink disparities in religious histories and experiences that color and create various cultures. However, we often overlook similarities in time and place that are equally decisive. Jews Heinrich and Cerf Marx both were forced to convert to Christianity in order to continue their careers. Y et it is clear that Prussian Protestants made similar demands on Catholics in regards to interfaith marriage, and that Josef von Hommer and Joseph von Grres would have understood some of the emotion and frustrat ion Lacking supreme cultural authority in any geographic area meant all religious minorities, no matter what type of faith, had to compromise and stake out their own smaller claims to r eligious control.

The borders that exist ed between faiths were as porous as those between nations, especially over questions like convers ion and mixed marriage Individuals who converted or married outside their traditional faiths p roved that religion co ntinually kommuinkation shape to meet new circumstances and the rise of competing forms of identity like nationalism.